A dramatic political reversal has sent shockwaves through Michigan’s Democratic ranks, as Congresswoman Haley Stevens abruptly switched her support from the party’s candidate, Abdul El-Sayed, to Republican Mike Rogers for the U.S. Senate race. This unexpected endorsement, delivered just days before the election, has significantly intensified existing ideological fissures within Jewish communities and the broader Democratic Party regarding foreign policy and political alignment.

The Sudden Political Pivot

Stevens, who represents a heavily Jewish district in suburban Detroit, announced her shift by citing concerns over rising antisemitism. She specifically targeted El-Sayed’s previous campaign appearances with anti-Israel streamer Hasan Piker, stating that she could not align herself with Piker’s rhetoric. Stevens publicly asserted that opposition to hate was a fundamental principle, while also linking the issue to her broader belief that ‘education is on the ballot.’ This change came despite earlier public commitments to El-Sayed’s campaign and the support of her fiancée, a major Democratic donor.

Reactions from Both Sides

The move prompted intense criticism from Democratic leaders. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer condemned the action as a severe betrayal. Furthermore, moderate Jewish Democrat Senator Elissa Slotkin criticized Stevens, arguing that her focus on personal grievances was overshadowing the greater good of the state and the nation. Meanwhile, the Republican side quickly capitalized on the shift. Rogers, standing beside Stevens, invoked historical parallels, referencing the danger of blaming specific groups for societal problems, and expressed concern that Jewish Democrats were feeling apprehension about the state’s future.

The political maneuver has also drawn scrutiny from advocacy groups. J Street, a liberal pro-Israel lobby, suggested that Stevens was utilizing genuine fears about increasing antisemitism to advance her own political agenda. El-Sayed, in his own press conference, dismissed the significance of Stevens’ decision, while his campaign has been criticized for leaning heavily into anti-Islam messaging in its attacks against Rogers.

A Wider Ideological Struggle

The controversy highlights a larger national debate concerning the role of identity politics and the definition of ‘hate’ in modern American elections. While Stevens insisted she remained a committed Democrat, the mass resignation of her senior staff following the announcement underscored the deep internal conflict within her own party. This episode serves as a stark example of the complex, evolving relationship between political identity, religious affiliation, and partisan loyalty in the current political climate.

The endorsement came after a weekend of growing tension between Stevens and El-Sayed, whose fierce criticism of Israel and association with online personalities accused of antisemitism alienated some Jewish Democrats. If elected, El-Sayed would become the first Muslim in the U.S. Senate.

Stevens, a staunch supporter of Israel who received significant backing from AIPAC during the primary, had been snubbed by El-Sayed amid efforts to unite Democrats ahead of Tuesday’s election. Just last week, she told CNN she would vote for El-Sayed and was scheduled to join him at a unity rally Sunday.

But a feud escalated over the weekend after El-Sayed refused to condemn the content of an ad from a PAC supporting his campaign that blamed U.S. aid to Israel for rising grocery prices. El-Sayed, in return, accused Stevens of “relitigating a primary that ended three months ago” and again mentioned the support she received from AIPAC.

“Our Democratic nominee for Senate said I was no longer welcome in his campaign and that I should stay away,” Stevens said in a video posted on X after attending church services in Detroit with Rogers.

Speaking to the media alongside Rogers, Steven also referenced Hasan Piker, a popular left-wing pundit who has been accused of antisemitism and has campaigned alongside El-Sayed. “I don’t belong in Abdul’s campaign,” she said. “I do not stand with Hasan Piker, who gets trafficked on our college campuses.”

The surprise endorsement could influence Jewish Democrats who have struggled with whether to support El-Sayed despite their concerns about his rhetoric on Israel and antisemitism. After the March attack on Michigan’s Temple Israel, El-Sayed said, “Hurt people hurt people,” referring to the attacker having lost family in an Israeli airstrike in Lebanon. He later apologized for the comment.

Some Jewish Democrats had considered leaving the Senate race on the ballot blank, similar to what the pro-Palestinian “uncommitted” movement did in the 2024 presidential election to protest the Biden-Harris administration’s support for Israel in the war against Hamas in Gaza.

Jewish voters make up just 1.4% of the electorate in the state. However, in a race so close, they could make the difference. The latest YouGov poll of likely voters in Michigan has El-Sayed up by 4 points.

Trump carried the swing state in 2024 by about 80,000 votes. In the Senate race that same year, Democrat Elissa Slotkin defeated Rogers by fewer than 20,000 votes. Even before Sunday’s development, the Republican Jewish Coalition had spent $2 million to target approximately 50,000 Jewish voters, primarily in Oakland County, who backed Stevens in the primary.

The divisions have also become personal for Stevens, who is considering converting to Judaism. Her Jewish fiancé, Jason Turkish, attended a RJC forum last week and said he would vote for Rogers.

AIPAC’s super PAC, United Democracy Project, sent direct mailers to 130,000 identified Jewish voters in the swing state. It also sponsored get-out-the-vote phone calls.

Democrats try to limit the damage

The development marks one of the biggest public splits among Democrats over Israel this election cycle, as the party is fighting to win control of the Senate.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, the highest-ranking Jewish elected official, called Stevens’ endorsement of Rogers “a despicable betrayal.”

Schumer stood by his endorsement of El-Sayed. In a statement Sunday, he  accused Republicans of “racist, Islamophobic, and over-the-top false attacks” against the Democratic nominee. He did not directly address the Stevens endorsement. Stevens, who said she is “still a very proud Democrat,” said she wants to see Schumer become Senate Majority Leader.

The endorsement also sparked a firestorm within Stevens’ own office, with her chief of staff and other aides resigning in protest. Stevens did not seek reelection to the House after running for Senate, and her term ends in December.

Republicans seized on the divide.

“Wow, this is BIG!” Trump wrote in a Truth Social post. “Her following is huge, and the level of respect from the People of Michigan, especially our African American and Jewish populations, is virtually unparalleled. Haley said what few people are willing to say.”

Some Jewish Democrats also heavily criticized Stevens on Sunday, saying she was hurting the party and the country. “Anyone who makes an election this important about themselves, and not Michiganders and our democracy, should think hard about whether they are serving the greater good,” Slotkin, who is Jewish and who has hit the campaign trail with El-Sayed, wrote on X.

The Jewish Democratic Council of America, an organizing body for Jewish interests in the Democratic Party, had pointedly not endorsed El-Sayed during the campaign. Yet following Stevens’ announcement, its CEO Halie Soifer wrote, “A vote for any Republican in 2026 is a vote for Donald Trump.”

Nonnegotiable Michigan, a coalition of Michigan rabbis and Jewish Democrats, scheduled an online forum for Sunday afternoon to discuss their choices — whether to support the Republicans or leave the ballot blank — after El-Sayed ignored its repeated requests to engage. “Now, with voting underway and Election Day approaching, the question is no longer only what El-Sayed will do — but what Jewish voters will do,” the group said in a statement released before the Stevens endorsement.

Piker, on social media, called Stevens “a self interested striver who’s weirdly obsessed with Israel and has been paid handsomely for this strange obsession.” El-Sayed has distanced himself multiple times from Piker since they campaigned together in the primary, including this week after Piker compared a heavily Jewish Michigan suburb to “a KKK neighborhood.”

A shift in the Jewish vote on Tuesday could help decide the Senate race. It could also offer an early test of whether divisions over Israel will cost Democrats Jewish support beyond this election and heading into the 2028 presidential race.

JTA contributed to this report.

The post Haley Stevens shocks Democrats by endorsing Republican Mike Rogers. Her move could sway Jewish voters in Michigan. appeared first on The Forward.

To see more funerals go to https://chesedshelemes.org/records-of-the-deceased/

June 6, 1932 – October 22, 2026

It is with deep sadness we announce the passing of Ruben Helman. Surrounded by his family, he passed away peacefully on October 22, 2026, at the age of 94.

Known throughout Winnipeg and around the world simply as “Uncle Rube,” he was the first person people turned to whenever they needed a favour, some help, or just heartfelt advice. Rube was a real people person. He could (and would) make friends with anyone, everywhere he went.

His memory will live on through his wife of 69 years, Rita; his children Mark (Christine), Carla (Michael), and Elaine; his beloved grandchildren Alex, Jane, Miles, Rachael and Zach (Isabelle). He was predeceased by his loving parents Abe and Sarah; sister Paula, and brother-in-law Bill Worb.

Born in Winnipeg, Rube attended Aberdeen and St. John’s High School. After school he started driving the open prairie roads for the Winnipeg Film Exchange and continued travelling for many other companies, including Elgin Watch and Longines. Always looking for new opportunities, he became a distributor for Charles M. Schultz, as well as opening his own companies, L&R Enterprises, R. Helman Ltd., Rumark Video Inc., World Gym and Premier Fitness. Throughout his ventures, his wife Rita was always by his side and his son Mark, and daughter Elaine, also enjoyed the privilege of working together with them.

Rube was always involved in the community through various service organizations, coaching baseball, and as a member of the Chevra Mishnayes and Winnipeg Beach synagogues. He was also a championship bowler, ukulele player and enjoyed singing barbershop whenever he got the chance. He was a guy who loved life and knew how to have fun, and everyone was welcome at “Helmans Hilton” at Winnipeg Beach each summer. There was never a dull moment.

The family also wishes to send a special thank you for all the care given at St. Boniface and Grace Hospitals, as well as the Home Care Workers and staff at River Ridge 1 who took care of him during the last year.

If so desired, Memorial Donations may be made in Rube’s name to the charity of your choice.

A decade-old state law in Illinois, designed to shield the state from investment in international companies that boycott Israel, is facing a powerful grassroots challenge at the local level. As municipal ballot measures are set to appear in communities like Oak Park and Peoria, the debate has ignited deep political and cultural divisions, pitting Jewish advocacy groups against local free speech proponents.

The Battle Over State Investment

Illinois was one of the first states to enact legislation targeting the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. When the law was initially passed, it was strongly supported by Jewish leaders, who viewed it as a vital measure to align state priorities with the values of a key ally. However, the law, which requires state pension funds to avoid companies involved in boycotts, has become a flashpoint for renewed political friction. Activists in several towns are now mobilizing signature drives to repeal the measure, arguing that the state’s interference constitutes a restriction on fundamental rights.

Leaders of Jewish federations, including the Jewish United Fund in Chicago, are actively organizing counter-efforts. They maintain that the legislation is a necessary defense against the BDS movement. One official noted that their organizations plan to mount ‘meaningful opposition’ to the attempts to overturn the policy. Despite the fact that the law requires legislative action to be overturned entirely, the local ballot measures are seen as symbolic victories for those seeking repeal.

Political Climate and Legal Precedents

This pushback occurs against a backdrop of shifting political sentiment. Following recent international events, interest in BDS as a form of protest has reportedly increased on the left. While the state law was established years ago, the current climate is fueling the local campaigns. Legal experts point out that these anti-boycott statutes have been tested in court many times, with some objectors arguing they infringe upon free expression. The legal debate centers on the delicate balance between protecting free speech and ensuring equal protection under the law, a theme historians note has long affected Jewish Americans.

Daniel Biss, a political candidate in Illinois, recently voiced support for repealing the state regulation, stating that he does not endorse the BDS movement but also believes government should not criminalize free speech. Conversely, some Jewish community members and organizations fear that eliminating the law would have ‘catastrophic’ social consequences for the Jewish community. Local groups in Oak Park, which has one of the most organized Jewish communities in the area, are actively campaigning to ensure voters reject the repeal measure.

A Defining Moment for Local Democracy

The local votes are far more than ceremonial. In municipalities like Oak Park, the measure asks voters to repeal the ban on state investments in companies boycotting Israel. The intense mobilization from both sides—from civic activists championing free expression to Jewish community groups defending the existing policy—underscores how this issue has transitioned from a policy debate into a defining local referendum on the limits of political action and identity in modern America.

Despite heightened global pressures, including conflicts and rising antisemitism, a remarkable strengthening of emotional ties has been observed between Jewish communities in the United States and Israel. Research indicates that while Americans and Israelis feel closer than ever, this growing sense of shared peoplehood exists alongside significant and deeply rooted ideological differences. A new analysis reveals that the primary source of friction is not geographical separation, but rather distinct political and religious worldviews, creating a complex landscape of mutual connection and internal disagreement.

Growing Ties, Diverging Paths

The data confirms a significant increase in perceived closeness. Since 2021, the percentage of American Jews who view Israelis as extended family has jumped substantially, and the reverse trend is similarly evident. Furthermore, a large majority of Jews worldwide affirm a common destiny, underscoring a profound sense of shared fate. However, the study found that when examining core issues, the differences are overwhelmingly driven by ideology rather than location. Specifically, the research showed that a majority of American Jews tend toward progressive political leanings, while the majority of Israelis lean toward conservative stances.

The Ideological Chasm in Security and Peace

This political spectrum is closely tied to religious affiliation in both nations; traditional and Orthodox Jews tend to hold more right-leaning views, while secular and progressive groups lean left. The ideological divergence is particularly stark when discussing Israeli security and the path to peace. For example, a significant portion of Israelis believe that maintaining democratic control over the West Bank is achievable, a view held by a much smaller percentage of Americans. Similarly, while many Israelis view Israeli security and the establishment of a Palestinian state as fundamentally incompatible goals, Americans hold a significantly lower conviction on that premise. Conversely, the belief in a two-state solution as the long-term path to peace is championed by a larger segment of American Jews than Israeli Jews.

Reciprocal Influence and the Role of Engagement

The research also examined the extent to which one community should consider the interests of the other. In matters of Jewish identity—such as immigration policy or recognition of Jewish status—Israeli Jews are notably more likely than their American counterparts to believe that Israeli decision-makers should weigh the impact on American Jews. Conversely, when addressing security matters related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, American Jews are far more inclined to want consequences for their community to be factored into Israeli decisions. The study highlighted that for Americans, the level of personal engagement in Jewish life often matters more than pure ideology; highly involved American Jews show greater concern for Israeli identity issues. For Israelis, political ideology remains the dominant predictor of opinion.

Ultimately, the analysis suggests that the perceived rifts between global Jewish communities are better understood as internal debates within those respective communities. The study concludes that while disagreements are inherent, the commitment to mutual care remains strong. Experts suggest that fostering personal connections—through travel or emissaries—is crucial to transforming abstract disagreement into healthy, constructive conversation, upholding the principle of maintaining relationship even amidst profound differences.

The closing conference of the Voice of the People (VOP) initiative, held in Budapest, showcased a monumental effort to address some of the most complex and divisive issues facing the global Jewish community. While the program has generated numerous innovative solutions, the event also brought to light significant operational and ideological challenges. The initiative, conceived amid deep political disagreements in Israel, aims to bridge divides ranging from antisemitism and polarization to the relationship between Jews and non-Jews worldwide.

The Scope of the Vision

Partnering with major Jewish organizations and funded by several foundations, VOP assembled 150 council members from Israel, North America, and various parts of the world. These individuals were divided into working groups tasked with developing actionable answers to five major challenges. Over eighteen months, the participants generated a substantial body of work, producing thirty-eight distinct initiatives. Many of these concepts moved into proof-of-concept stages, and numerous projects secured initial funding grants of up to $20,000.

Networking and Impact

The conference, attended by Israeli President Isaac Herzog, emphasized the necessity for Israel to listen more closely to the Diaspora, underscoring that actions taken locally affect communities globally. Participants highlighted the profound network they built, which several members cited as the program’s greatest achievement. Specific projects included the development of the Jewish & Indian Alliance, designed to foster cooperation in technology and education between Jewish communities and the vast Indian diaspora. Furthermore, initiatives focused on promoting social cohesion within Israel through educational materials reached dozens of schools.

Operational and Ideological Friction

Despite the high level of commitment—with some participants sacrificing their professional careers—the process was not without friction. The final conference saw lower attendance than anticipated, with only 89 of the original 150 members present, partially due to the ongoing geopolitical instability. Critiques from council members focused on the lack of clarity regarding the program’s operational rules, with some feeling that expectations were never adequately defined. Furthermore, ideological tensions persisted, as participants struggled to reconcile differing political views on Israel’s actions, highlighting the difficulty of achieving consensus among diverse groups.

A Path Forward

Organizers acknowledged these difficulties, citing the voluntary nature of the commitment and the complexity of coordinating across international time zones. In response to feedback, the initiative has vowed to improve its structure. The upcoming second cohort, which received thousands of applications, will be shortened to sixteen months. Crucially, the initial months will be dedicated to relationship building before challenges are voted upon, and the program will offer clearer guidance on how contentious discussions are managed. Organizers maintain that the experience, including its inevitable failures, is part of a necessary process of growth and innovation.

A growing sentiment of political estrangement, described by some as ‘homelessness,’ is permeating segments of the Jewish electorate. This feeling stems from a complex duality: while many voters maintain strong allegiance to the Democratic Party, they are simultaneously experiencing deep anxiety over rising antisemitism within both major political groups and concerning shifts in party rhetoric, particularly regarding Israel. This internal conflict has become a defining narrative as the country heads toward the 2026 midterms, raising questions about the stability of traditional Jewish voting patterns.

Internal Conflicts and Voter Unease

Reports indicate that many individuals feel abandoned, caught between a progressive left increasingly criticized for anti-Zionist stances and a Republican right perceived as fostering antisemitism. This sense of being unmoored is vividly illustrated in state-level races. For instance, in Maine, some Jewish voters have expressed discomfort with a Democratic candidate’s comments regarding the war in Gaza, despite knowing the importance of the Senate contest. Similarly, in Michigan, some Jewish Democrats are torn between supporting their party’s chance against the GOP and their profound reservations about a Democratic nominee whose statements have drawn criticism from community leaders who worry about Jewish safety and core values.

The Paradox of Voting Behavior

Despite the palpable sense of unease, objective polling data presents a more nuanced picture. Political scientists note that feeling unwelcome inside a party is distinct from actually abandoning it. Surveys conducted by organizations like the Jewish Electorate Institute show that Jewish voters overwhelmingly favoured Democratic candidates over their Republican counterparts, with a significant majority of Jewish Democrats affirming their intent to vote Democratic. However, these same polls reveal significant discomfort within the Democratic ranks; a notable portion of Jewish Democrats indicated that the rise of anti-Israel candidates had complicated their ability to identify fully with the party.

Beyond Identity: Domestic Priorities and Future Outlook

Analysts suggest that the complexity of the issue is compounded by domestic concerns. While antisemitism is a significant worry, surveys show that issues such as the economy, healthcare, and the state of democracy often rank higher among Jewish voters than Israel or religious prejudice. This suggests that while the feelings of political homelessness are real and destabilizing for some, the majority of the electorate may ultimately prioritize these broader domestic issues. Some experts predict that while Jewish voters may express reservations about their party, they are unlikely to abandon the Democratic coalition entirely. Others, however, point to growing disaffection and local shifts, citing evidence of increased support for the Republican side in specific battleground states, signalling that the political landscape for this community remains highly volatile as they navigate loyalty versus principle.

The Forverts website now includes a new feature. Each week, you’ll find a listing of upcoming events related to the Yiddish language or culture, both online and in person.

The list will include lectures in English or Yiddish; concerts; plays; day trips; conversation groups and reading circles.

If you know of a Yiddish-related event coming up, let us know by emailing schaechter@forward.com.

Sunday, Nov. 1, 2 p.m. ET. In this Zoom event, L.A. Yiddish culture activist Miri Koral will discuss a unique translation project of 160 works written by diverse masters of Yiddish poetry who perished in the Holocaust. Poet and Holocaust survivor Binem Heller compiled the anthology in 1951 to ensure that the works of these wonderful poets aren’t forgotten, and Koral is determined to get them all translated into English, opening them up to a much wider audience. The program will be in Yiddish. Register.

Sunday, Nov. 1, 2 p.m. ET. Some of the most passionate Yiddish love poetry and prose was written about Crotona Park in the Bronx, an area that fell off the beaten track in the last century. In this on-site tour in Yiddish, scholar Eve Jochnowitz will guide us as we explore the neighborhood and the literature it inspired. The event is free but a donation of $18 is suggested. The group will meet at the corner of Charlotte Street and Crotona Park East. Register.

Sunday, Nov. 1, 2 p.m. ET. Come shmooze in Yiddish with people all over the world at the shmueskrayz hosted by the Parizer yidish-tsenter. The atmosphere is friendly and relaxed. Feel free to sip coffee or a glass of wine. No registration necessary. Zoom link here

Thursday, Nov. 5, 7 p.m. ET. In this Zoom event, we’ll hear an English translation of detailed Yiddish letters written by Shlomo Vorobeichic, a Jewish man in Vilna before the war, to his siblings who had settled in the U.S. Although Shlomo, his wife and two children perished in the Holocaust, two children survived and kept the letters. One of them, Moi Ver, became a well-regarded photographer. In the 1990s, Moi Ver’s daughter Lilian Falk translated her grandfather’s letters into English, giving us a vivid view of Vilna in the early 20th century. Register.

Friday and Saturday, Nov. 6-7. Stockholm khevre: Attend a Yiddish film festival that includes contemporary Yiddish works like the 2026 film Moishe Badkhn (Moishe the Wedding Entertainer); Welcome to Yiddishland (2024), and the Yiddish-Ukrainian film SHTTL (2023). All films are subtitled in English. Tickets.

Sunday, Nov. 8, 3 p.m. ET. Folks in the DC/Maryland/Northern Virginia area: Join the DMV Jewish Labor Bund for a bimonthly Yiddish song circle at Maryland Meadworks. All levels of Yiddish and singing ability are welcome.

Tuesday, Nov. 10, 3 p.m. ET. Toronto folks: Yiddish studies scholar Sonia Gollance will discuss and read excerpts of Tea Arciszewska’s Yiddish play Miryeml, which Gollance translated as part of her project to uncover Yiddish plays by women. The play is often described as a powerful memorial to the 1.5 million children murdered in the Holocaust. The in-person lecture will take place at the University of Toronto and will be in Yiddish. More info.

Wednesday, Nov. 11, 7 p.m. ET. Attend an in-person staged reading of Sh. An-ski’s legendary folk drama, The Dybbuk, directed by Mikhl Yashinsky. The play, originally written in Russian between 1913 and 1916, was translated into Yiddish by An-ski himself and inspired countless film, opera, and ballet adaptations. Register.

Thursday, Nov. 19, 7 p.m. ET. Learn what makes Quebec an essential place on the world map of Yiddish culture historically and today in this Zoom talk between the Yiddish Book Center’s director of special projects, Sebastian Schulman, and Brian Calvert from Jewish Heritage Travel. The discussion will feature a sneak peek at the Center’s upcoming group tour to Montreal and Quebec City. The trip is a unique chance to experience Yiddish-Quebecois culture—its history, art, music, cuisine—as well as Montreal and Quebec City as historic and contemporary centers of Jewish life and creativity. Register.

The post Looking for a Yiddish-related event? appeared first on The Forward.

Cait Conley, the Democratic challenger to incumbent Republican U.S. Rep. Mike Lawler, is not a progressive Democrat who Republicans have been warning Jewish voters about in recent campaigns. An Army combat veteran and former national security official, she strongly supports Israel, opposes additional conditions on U.S. military aid and rejects accusations that Israel committed genocide in Gaza. She has also criticized New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani over his statement marking the third anniversary of the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas attack and has vowed to confront antisemitism within her own party. But that may not be enough to win Jewish votes from Lawler, who is popular with Jewish voters.

The district includes Rockland and Putnam counties and parts of Westchester and Dutchess. It has one of the largest Jewish populations in the country, with Jews making up an estimated 19% of its population, according to a 2024 study. It is one of the key House races where Jewish voters could make the difference in a closely contested election that will determine which party controls Congress.

Kamala Harris carried the district by a narrow 50-49 margin in 2024, and it voted for Joe Biden by a 59-39 margin before that. The late Jewish congresswoman Nita Lowey, a Democrat, represented the district for three decades until her retirement in 2020. Her successor, former Rep. Mondaire Jones, chose not to run in the redrawn district in 2022 and instead lost a bid for a House seat representing parts of Manhattan and Brooklyn. During his unsuccessful 2024 campaign against Lawler, Jones had to delete a social media post that some deemed insulting to Orthodox Jews after he remarked that the former Republican House Speaker’s meeting with Rabbi David Twersky, the 86-year-old spiritual leader known as the Skverer Rebbe in Rockland County, “was a waste of everyone’s time.”

Conley, 31, faces a difficult challenge in her bid to unseat Lawler, who has deep relationships with Orthodox and Hasidic voters since he first won his seat in the 2022 midterms by a narrow margin of about 2,000 votes, thanks in part to strong support from the large Hasidic communities in Monsey, New Square and New Hempstead in Rockland County.

That makes the race a test of whether a moderate, pro-Israel Democrat can win back Jewish voters who have grown concerned about the growing influence of progressives within the Democratic Party.

In separate interviews with the Forward, Conley and Lawler both stressed their support for Israel and commitment to fighting rising antisemitism. To draw a contrast, Lawler, 40, questioned whether Conley would stick to her positions if elected, while Conley accused him of using his ties to Jewish voters to distract from his support for President Donald Trump’s agenda.

A Democrat who rejects conditions on Israel aid

Conley, a West Point graduate and 16-year Army combat veteran who later served as counterterrorism director on President Joe Biden’s National Security Council and oversaw election security efforts at the Department of Homeland Security, occupies a different position on Israel than many progressive Democrats.

She supports Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish and democratic state, backs continued U.S. military assistance and opposes imposing conditions on that aid, including on offensive weapons.

“I do not believe that what is going on in Gaza is a genocide, and I do not believe in further conditioning assistance to Israel, so it continues to have the means to defend itself against the very real threats that are posed,” Conley said in an interview. “I will be an effective and strong advocate for the Jewish community and assistance to Israel in the Democratic Party.”

Conley said her experience serving in the Middle East shaped her understanding of the threats Israel faces, particularly from Iran and terrorist organizations.

At the same time, she supports a two-state solution and believes American politicians should be able to criticize Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu or other Israeli leaders without questioning Israel’s legitimacy. She expressed concern, though, that criticism of Israeli government policies can sometimes become an excuse for targeting Jews. Conley also supports expanding federal security grants for synagogues and other religious institutions.

Conley said she supported the targeted American strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities in 2025, but opposes Trump’s war with Iran because she believes it has made the United States less secure and increased energy prices.

Lawler isn’t buying Conley’s pro-Israel pitch

Lawler dismissed the suggestion that he and Conley hold essentially the same positions on Israel and antisemitism.

“That’s laughable on its face,” he said in an interview.

His central argument is that Conley may sound like a moderate on the campaign trail but would ultimately follow Democratic leaders in Congress, as support for Israel becomes increasingly divisive within the party.

“She’ll be a rubber stamp on whatever the majority of the Democrats want to do,” Lawler said, citing the July vote to eliminate the $3.3 billion in annual military assistance to Israel. A record 103 of 212 Democrats supported the measure. Another 10 Democrats abstained. Conley “is not going to stand up and be a lone voice on these issues,” he said.

“At the end of the day,” Lawler added, “I have a very clear record of delivering on these issues, and there’s staunch differences in approach.”

A Republican who speaks the community’s language

Lawler’s relationship with Orthodox and Hasidic voters goes beyond his positions on Israel. A practicing Catholic, Lawler has made those relationships part of his political brand, going back to his election to the State Assembly in 2020. He has taken credit for lowering the temperature in Rockland County after local GOP officials in 2019 posted a video widely criticized as antisemitic. He regularly attends community celebrations and has helped arrange meetings between local rabbis and religious leaders, President Donald Trump and Republican leadership.

Earlier this year, William Paul, the son of Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky, confronted him in a Washington bar, believing the New York congressman was Jewish. Paul later apologized and said he has a drinking problem for which he is seeking treatment.

His presence in the community has become so familiar that his campaign even has Yiddish materials and songs promoting his reelection. The songs are shared in popular WhatsApp groups, played at weddings and blasted from trucks driving through Hasidic neighborhoods to encourage people to vote.

Lawler’s campaign is aiming to surpass the 22,000 votes he received in Hasidic neighborhoods in 2022 and 26,000 votes in 2024, as polls show the race is a dead heat. In an interview with Punchbowl News, he predicted 30,000 Orthodox votes, arguing that the community’s participation is difficult for pollsters to capture.

In his interview with the Forward, Lawler said his popularity comes from a simple strategy: showing up.

“I am really the first elected official that has shown up, you know, consistently and publicly in this community, and not just to see the leadership of the community, but to meet the people,” he said. Lawler has even picked up some Yiddish vocabulary along the way. Asked what word he had learned, Lawler quipped, “I love the word shanda to describe Chuck Schumer,” using a Yiddish term for disgrace about the Senate Democratic leader, who is Jewish.

Lawler believes his efforts have helped build support beyond the Orthodox and Hasidic communities, including among Reform and secular Jews who might otherwise vote Democratic but are concerned about their party’s direction on Israel.  “Democrats have effectively abandoned Jewish Americans,” he said.

Conley acknowledged Lawler’s visibility in the community but questioned whether it is matched with policies that benefit Jewish families. “Mike Lawler shows up for the photo op, but when it comes to acting, he turns his back on the community every time,” she said. Conley pointed particularly to his support for Republican-led legislation cutting Medicaid spending and other federal benefits.

A fight over antisemitism in politics 

Conley said her own outreach has focused on convincing Jewish voters that she understands their security concerns and shares their commitment to Israel, even as she disagrees with Lawler on domestic policy.

She also spoke of a personal connection to the Jewish community as a member of the LGBTQ community, recalling how Jewish Americans stood up for LGBTQ rights. “That’s why I proudly stand beside them and let them know that there are people who deeply care and will proudly stand shoulder to shoulder with them and fight back against antisemitism,” she said.

As Lawler highlights his ties to Jewish voters and questions whether Conley would stand up to anti-Israel voices in the Democratic Party, Conley accuses him of associating with Republicans who have faced accusations of antisemitic rhetoric and ties to white nationalists.

She said Lawler had a double standard: condemning antisemitism among Democrats while supporting Republicans who have faced accusations of antisemitic rhetoric or associations with white nationalists. “He is the biggest hypocrite,” she said of Lawler. “He is a political operative who will do whatever is politically convenient for his political ambition.”

Conley cited, for example, Peter Oberacker, a Republican state legislator running against Democratic Rep. Josh Riley in the neighboring 19th District, who came under fire after a Facebook post from Veterans Day 2015 resurfaced in which he paid tribute to his grandfather who served in the Nazi-German military during World War II. Lawler attended Oberacker’s campaign launch last year and praised him. Lawler also contributed $5,000 to his campaign.

Conley described Oberacker as an “overt Nazi sympathizer” and said Lawler’s support for him undermined his claim to be a defender of Jewish Americans. Conley also pointed to Lawler’s past connections with members of the New York State Young Republicans, whose group was disbanded following a Politico investigation exposing racist and antisemitic messages. Lawler condemned it and called for those involved to resign from leadership positions.

Asked directly about the criticism, Lawler defended Oberacker. “He’s not an antisemite,” Lawler said, adding that Oberacker represents Jewish constituents in the state Senate. He dismissed Conley’s accusations as an attempt to distract from her own political alliances. “I think Cait is grasping at straws,” he said.

Lawler pointed to Conley’s decision to run on the Working Families Party ballot line, a progressive party that endorsed Mamdani in last year’s mayoral primary and has accused Israel of genocide.  He also noted her remarks in a September interview, when she said that she “respects” what Mamdani represents to many New Yorkers. “I don’t respect antisemites,” Lawler said.

Lawler was the lead sponsor of the bipartisan Antisemitism Awareness Act that would require the Department of Education to use the controversial International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism — which classifies most anti-Zionism as antisemitic — when investigating allegations of discrimination. It passed in the House in 2024 by an overwhelming majority of 320-91, but was stalled in the Senate due to resistance over constitutionally protected free speech. It was reintroduced in the House last year.

More recently, Lawler partnered with Rep. Josh Gottheimer, a Jewish moderate Democrat from New Jersey, on a bipartisan House resolution condemning antisemitic rhetoric from online personalities including Hasan Piker and Candace Owens.

Conley said she recognizes the rise of “extremism and antisemitism in both parties” and has heard from Jewish voters who feel abandoned by some of the same political allies they once supported. By speaking out on these issues and committing to confront them within her own party, Conley is aiming to convince these voters that they do not have to support a Republican to feel protected.

“The Jewish community knows they have a home in the Democratic Party. Period,” she said.

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